“GEB" 1 - Strange Loops (1) 《集异壁》1 - 怪圈 (1)

In the Pulitzer-winning tome Gödel, Escher, Bach: an Eternal Golden Braid ("GEB"), author Douglas Hofstadter cleverly utilized the concepts explored in the works of mathematician Gödel, painter Escher, and musician Bach to illustrate a concept known as a "strange loop," in his words. A "strange loop" can be defined as "a cyclical structure that goes through several layers of a hierarchical system to find itself back at the beginning." More specifically, one can travel between different levels and layers to find out that they are intrinsically embedded in each other. 

To explain the concept further, Hofstadter initially attempted to draw onThe Musical Offerings by Bach and Gödel's "Incompleteness Theorem" as examples. The essay will only briefly elaborate on The Musical Offerings, as the Incompleteness Theorem deserves another independent article to examine. In The Musical Offerings, a variation of the original theme is written such that the theme seems to repeat itself, modulating or climbing a note higher each time it is played. Yet by a particular bar, the modulating theme "loops" back to its beginning, as if the entire process restarts. This cycle constitutes a "strange loop" by definition. 

However, strange loops or patterns that resemble strange loops can also be found in the subject of history. A classic topic of debate concerns whether history repeats itself. This essay will use political changes as evidence to show that history does recur itself or is a "strange loop," although there might be no periodicity.

By "political changes," one can refer to the fluctuations and transformations of government systems and general views on politics. Monarchy can be generally agreed upon as the oldest form of government, dating back to Egypt during the Old Kingdom around 3000 BCE or Sumer around 2600 BCE, about 5000 years ago. As human societies evolved into more complex forms, more types of government, such as democracy and oligopoly, joined the monarchy as possible models. Modern people prefer to view democracy, in particular, as a form of government that is superior to monarchy or aristocracy in reality. This view has some merit, as the optimal case of a "benevolent and competent ruler" rarely occurs throughout history.

Intriguingly enough, there have been cases in history when a nation abandoned monarchy and developed a democratic government yet eventually found itself back in the hands of a monarch-like individual or group. Take the example of the city-state of Athens during the Classical Greece period. In 507 BCE, the Athenian leader Cleisthenes introduced political reforms called "demokratia", or "rule by the people." This set of reforms led to the birth of the first known democracy in the world. Before Cleisthenes, Athens was ruled by a small group of aristocrats and had features that lent themselves to the side of a monarchy or aristocracy. The new democratic system enjoyed a period of growth since the time of Cleisthenes.

When the famous leader Pericles assumed the leadership role, Athenian democracy inherently began changing back to a monarchical aristocracy, the state from which it started. This point can be seen in two ways. First, after Pericles died of a plague three years into the Peloponnesian War, Athenian democracy quickly crumbled into horrific chaos. Different political forces began to battle intensely, one such example being the cunning fight for power between politicians Nicias and Alcibiades. Then, an oligopolistic party known as "The Thirty Tyrants" took over, followed by the restoration of chaotic democracy. This series of mayhem demonstrated, to a large extent, that Athens, as a democracy relied too much on one man and was already a de facto monarchic state before the death of Pericles. Otherwise, if Athens were a robust democracy at its core, it would not succumb so easily and quickly to internal disorganization.

Second, one can examine Pericles' words and actions to discover Athens' return to monarchy or aristocracy. It is challenging to paint an accurate image of Pericles, though the records in Thucydides' The History of the Peloponnesian War provide a generally satisfactory description. Politicians act like monarchs when they hold and wield significantly greater power than the average citizen. According to Thucydides, although Pericles was a competent leader, he had power through controlling the passions, or "eros," of the citizenry. In his well-known Funeral Oration, given shortly after the eruption of the Peloponnesian War, he exclaimed, "set your sights on the great power of the city day after day and become her lovers," and "When you realize her greatness, then reflect that what made her great was men with a spirit of adventure, men who knew their duty, men who were ashamed to fall below a certain standard." These two quotes tried to evoke a sense of patriotism or even nationalism with phrases such as "great power" and "men who knew their duty," showing Pericles' abilities to dig into the depths of human nature and unleash passionate emotions for the securing of his power. Pericles' demagogy shaped Athens back into a "tyrannical state," as famously put by Thucydides.

Another example that demonstrates a strange political loop is ancient Rome. From the days of Rome's founder Romulus to the reign of Brutus, Rome was governed by a monarchical government, spanning the reign of seven kings. In 509 BCE, a group of noblemen overthrew the last king of Rome, Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, replacing the monarchy with a republican government with two leading consuls. These consuls were elected to serve one-year terms, and their power was restricted by the Senate and other officials, such as the Tribunes of the Plebs.

The Roman Republic successfully expanded territories and maintained much cultural diversity within its society. From its year of existence (509 BCE to 27 BCE), its different consuls effectively combated nearby competitors and foes, such as the Etruscans and Carthage, expanding its hegemony over the entire Mediterranean world. Its form of government can also be regarded as one of the first representative democracies in history.

However, during the 1st century BCE, the Roman Republic experienced a long streak of social and political crises, eventually leading to its demise and the return of the monarchy by the name of the Roman Empire. Civil wars erupted between the two generals, Julius Caesar and Pompey, followed by the conflict between Octavian and lieutenant Mark Antony. The final defeat of Mark Antony at the Battle of Actium in 31 BCE resulted in Octavian's ascending to the throne as Rome's first emperor. Rome's behavior of advancing from monarchy to republic and back to monarchy constituted a strange loop.

Historians and thinkers have pondered the existence of strange political loops. Plato criticized democracy as it risks bringing dictators and demagogues to power and is unlikely to get the best equipped to rule. He argued for an aristocracy ruled by philosopher kings in The Republic. This aristocracy governed by philosopher kings would be the most effective and deliver justice. Immanuel Kant similarly pointed out that humans always need a master. Otherwise, they would abuse their freedom and be misled by animal inclinations. A group of people requires a master to break their self-will and force them to obey a "universally valid will" under which the freedom of all can be guaranteed. Following the logic of Plato and Kant, humankind will always start with some form of monarchy or aristocracy and return to it in the end. The tendency to fall towards a supreme authority might be explained by people's natural inclination to seek security, as in a scattered society with no imposing rule or order, people are always in fear of war and destruction. A supreme authority can deliver some feeling of security in the short term, especially during periods of uncertainty and internal warfare.

Overall, the concept of strange loops, as illustrated in GEB, can be applied to the history of the government and politics. More specifically, government systems tend to develop from a centralized model to a more democratic one and can loop back to centralization. The significance of such a historical pattern, though, is that they provide insights into the development of today. Currently, across the globe, people can examine this historical pattern at play. The US democracy, for example, is facing severe political issues such as extreme polarization between the two parties or the ineffectiveness of elections in representing the genuine will of the people. Although democracies can adjust and reorganize themselves, there is a chance, based on historical speculations, that a strong man or group should take over and grab power amidst the chaos. Thus, when nations design their governments, they must take in the complex nature of humankind. These kinds of historical patterns serve as a reminder that even the most seemingly robust and prosperous governments may eventually deteriorate into less humane and more authoritarian or totalitarian forms.

WORKS CITED

Hofstadter, Douglas R. Gödel, Escher, Bach : An Eternal Golden Braid. 2023. Basic Books, Cop. , [Ca, 1999.

Immanuel Kant, et al. Kant : Political Writings. Cambridge University Press, 1990.

在获得普利策奖的著作《哥德尔、埃舍尔、巴赫：集异壁之大成》（"GEB"）中，作者道格拉斯-霍夫斯塔特巧妙地利用数学家哥德尔、画家埃舍尔和音乐家巴赫的作品引入了一个被称为 "怪圈 "的概念。用他的话说，一个 "怪圈 "可以被定义为 "一个循环的结构，经过一个系统的几个层次，发现自己回到了起点"。更具体地说，人们可以在不同的层次和层面之间穿梭，发现这些层次在本质上是相互嵌入的，并且终点可能是最初的起点。

为了进一步解释这个概念，霍夫斯塔特以巴赫的《音乐祭》和哥德尔的 "不完全性定理 "举例说明。这篇文章将只对《音乐祭》进行阐述，因为不完全性定理值得另一篇独立的文章来研究。在《音乐祭》原主题的一次变奏中，主题似乎在重复旋律，不过每次重复都伴随着一次转入更高一级调性的转调。然而，到了某一小节，变调的主题又 "循环 "回到它的起点，仿佛整个过程重新开始。根据定义，这种循环构成了一个 "怪圈"。

怪圈或类似怪圈的模式也可以在历史学科中找到。一个经典的辩论话题是关于历史是否会自我重复。本文将以政治变化为证据，说明历史确实会重复，或者说构成一个 "怪圈"，尽管可能没有明显的周期性。

所谓 "政治变化"，可以指政府系统和对政治的一般看法的波动和转变。君主制可以被普遍认为是最古老的政府形式，可以追溯到公元前3000年左右的旧王国时期的埃及或公元前2600年左右的苏美尔（大约在5000年前）。随着人类社会发展到更复杂的形式，更多的政府类型，如民主和寡头垄断，与君主制并列成为可能的政治模式。现代人尤其喜欢把民主看作是现实中优于君主制或贵族制的一种政府形式。这种观点拥一定的正确性，因为君主制或贵族制作为一种好的政体唯一可行的状态，即必须出现"仁慈而有能力的统治者 "，很显然，这在历史上很少持续出现。

耐人寻味的是，历史上曾有过这样的案例：一个国家放弃了君主制，发展了民主类政府，但最终发现自己又回到了一个类似君主的个人或团体手中。以古典希腊时期的雅典城邦为例。公元前507年，雅典领导人克莱斯提尼提出了一套政治改革，他称之为 "Demokratia"，即 "人民的统治"。这套改革催生了世界上第一个已知的民主制度。在克莱斯提尼之前，雅典是由一小群贵族统治的，并且具有君主制或贵族制的显著特征。自克莱斯提尼时代起，新的民主制度经历了一个发展时期。

当著名领导人伯里克利担任第一公民的领导职务时，雅典民主制度就开始了向君主贵族制的转变。这一点可以从两个方面来看出。首先，自从伯罗奔尼撒战争爆发，伯里克利死于瘟疫后，雅典民主便迅速崩溃，陷入混乱之中。不同的政治力量开始激烈争斗，其中一个例子正是政治家尼西阿斯和亚西比德之间的狡猾的权力斗争。然后，一个被称为 "三十僭主 "的寡头垄断势力接管了政权，接着是混乱的民主制度的复辟。这一系列的混乱在很大程度上表明，雅典作为一个民主国家过于依赖一个人，而且在伯里克利死前已经是一个事实上的“君主制”国家。否则，如果雅典的核心确实是一个强大的民主国家，那么它就不会如此轻易和迅速地屈服于内部的政治形态变化。

其次，人们可以通过考察伯里克利的言行来发现雅典实际恢复君主制或贵族制的情况。修昔底德《伯罗奔尼撒战争史》中的记录提供了一个基本令人信服的描述。当一个政治家掌握并利用比普通公民大得多的权力时，他们的行为就像一个君主。根据修昔底德的说法，尽管伯里克利是一位称职的领导人，但他通过控制公民的激情，即 "情欲 "来掌握大权。在伯罗奔尼撒战争爆发后不久发表的著名的《国葬演说》中，他感叹道："我们要日复一日地把目光投向这城市的伟大力量，成为她的情人"，"当你意识到她的伟大时，再反思一下，使她伟大的是具有冒险精神的人，知道自己职责的人，羞于低于某种标准的人"。这两句话试图用 "伟大力量 "和 "知道自己责任的人 "等短语唤起人们的爱国主义甚至民族主义情绪，显示了伯里克利挖掘人性深处的能力。他为保护自己的权力而向雅典的普通受众释放出热情的情感。正如修昔底德所说的那样，正是伯里克利的蛊惑人心的手法将雅典重新塑造成一个似"暴政的国家"。

另一个显示出奇怪政治循环的例子是古罗马。从罗马的创始人罗慕路斯的时代到布鲁图统治时期，罗马被一个君主制政府所统治，跨越了七个国王的周期。公元前509年，一群贵族推翻了罗马的最后一位国王Lucius Tarquinius Superbus，用一个有两位主要执政官的共和政府取代了君主制。这些执政官经选举产生，任期一年，他们的权力受到元老院和其他官员，例如护民官的限制。

罗马共和国在扩大领土和保持其社会的文化多样性方面相当成功。它存在之际（公元前509年至公元前27年），它的不同执政官有效地打击了附近的竞争对手和敌人，如伊特鲁里亚人和迦太基人，将其霸权扩大到整个地中海世界。它的政府形式也可以被认为是历史上最早的代议制民主国家之一。

然而，在公元前1世纪，罗马共和国经历了一连串的社会和政治危机，最终导致其灭亡，君主制以罗马帝国的名义回归。内战最初在两位将军尤利乌斯-凯撒和庞培之间爆发，随后屋大维和副官马克-安东尼之间发生冲突。马克-安东尼在公元前31年的阿克蒂姆战役中最终被击败，屋大维登上了罗马第一任皇帝的宝座。罗马从君主制到共和制再到君主制的行为至此构成了一个奇怪的循环。

历史上的历史学家和思想家都在思考这个政治怪圈的存在。柏拉图批评民主制，因为它最终将带来独裁者和煽动者，而且它很少情况下推举最有能力的人执政。他在《理想国》中主张建立一个由哲人王统治的贵族制度。这种由哲人王统治的贵族制度将是最有效的，并能实现正义。伊曼纽尔-康德同样指出，人类总是需要一个主人，否则他们会滥用他们的自由，被他们的动物性倾向所误导。一群人需要一个主人来打破他们的自我意志，迫使他们服从一个 "普遍有效的意志"，在这个意志下，所有人的自由都能得到保证。按照柏拉图和康德的逻辑，人类似乎总是从某种形式的君主制或贵族制开始，经历一系列的政体更迭，最后又回到君主制或贵族制。这倾向于倒向最高权威的原因可能是人们寻求安全的自然倾向，因为在一个分散的社会中，没有强加的规则或秩序，人们总是对彼此之间的战争和破坏感到恐惧。一个最高权威至少可以在短期内提供一些安全感，特别是在不确定和内部战争时期。

总的来说，《GEB》中说明的怪圈概念可以应用于政府和政治的历史。更具体地说，政府系统倾向于从中央集权的模式发展到更民主的模式，但最后又能循环回归到中央集权。不过，研究这种历史规律的意义在于，它们为今天的发展提供了启示。目前，在全球范围内，人们可以实际考察这种历史规律的现实运作。例如，美国的民主制度正面临着严重的政治问题，如两党之间的极端分化或不能有效代表人民真正意愿的选举。尽管民主国家可以有能力调整和重组自己，但根据历史的推测，也有可能会有一个强人或团体在混乱中接管并夺取权力。因此，当国家设计及调整他们的政府时，他们必须考虑到人类的复杂性质。这类历史规律提醒我们，即使是看起来最强大、最繁荣的政府，最终也可能恶化为不顾人性、更为专制且极权的形式。